p In line with Lenin’s teaching on the party of the new type it is necessary, first and foremost, to mention the decisive impact of the theory of scientific communism on its work.

p The ideological and theoretical basis of the Communist Party is Marxism-Leninism, which consistently expresses the vital interests of the working class and all working people and is also a scientific theory, tested by experience, that gives an objective picture of the world, a reliable guide to practical action. Marxism-Leninism is of decisive importance for ensuring the vanguard role of the Communist Party in the revolutionary struggle. For a ruling party Marxism-Leninism is even more important, because without it it would be impossible to assess the general prospects for the development of society and work out a correct policy.

p Marxism-Leninism is a powerful instrument for the revolutionary transformation of the world, with which the people of many countries have equipped themselves.

p Many imperialist ideologists and politicians have been compelled to acknowledge the growing influence of Marxism-Leninism. Fear of the invincible power of revolutionary theory is one of the reasons for the constant attempts to refute Marxism-Leninism, to discredit the ideological and theoretical foundations of the Communist Party. The fact that Marxism-Leninism is the revolutionary party’s theoretical foundation raises no question among true MarxistsLeninists. However, this key proposition is the target of unceasing and steadily mounting attacks and falsifications by bourgeois ideologists, reformists and revisionists.

p Bourgeois ideologists are busy developing various conceptions and refined arguments in an attempt to prove that Marxism-Leninism is “unscientific”. These include the argument that Leninism is a specifically Russian doctrine, and the conception of the “disintegration” or “pluralism” of Marxism-Leninism. Bourgeois pseudo-Marxists are spreading the view that Marxism is “out-of-date”, urging that it be “renewed”, and attempting to revise it by linking it with Freudism or existentialist philosophy.  [274•* 

p Bourgeois and revisionist ideologists are trying to isolate "pure humanist Marxism" and set it against present-day revolutionary theory, which they proclaim to be “antihumanist” and “anti-democratic”, to divide Leninism into "pre-October revolutionary" and "post-October pragmatic" and again to set these two against each other.

p Lenin uncompromisingly fought the attempts of the Right opportunists in the international and Russian SocialDemocratic movements to revise Marxism. In championing Marxism, he upheld the theoretical basis of the proletarian revolutionary party in Russia. He noted that the theory of Marx sheds light on and scientifically defines the actual objective and task of the revolutionary party, namely, "to 275 organise the class struggle of the proletariat and to lead this struggle, the ultimate aim of which is the conquest of political power by the proletariat and the organisatoin of a socialist society".  [275•*  Emphasising the significance of revolutionary theory to the Marxist Party, he wrote: "There can be no strong socialist party without a revolutionary theory."  [275•** 

p As Lenin saw it, revolutionary theory—Marxism—is the foundation for the unity of all like-minded Socialists. With its aid they mould their world outlook, evolve the methods of struggle and define the forms of their work.

p While stressing that it was necessary to safeguard revolutionary theory against attacks and distortions, Lenin warned against turning Marxist propositions and formulas into unalterable, fossilised dogmas. He insisted that true Marxists should not regard the theory of Marx as complete and inviolable. While regarding it as the teaching that had laid only the corner-stone, he held that it was the duty of all true revolutionaries to develop all its aspects. This was the finest defence of Marxism, for it enabled the revolutionary party to keep pace with life, to be equal to the requirements of the developing revolutionary movement.

p The attempts of Peking theoreticians to replace MarxismLeninism by an anti-scientific subjectivist conception represent a serious threat to the revolutionary movement and the vanguard role of the Communist Party. Pointing to such a quality of Marxism-Leninism as the need to develop in accordance with the changing world conditions, they argue that the ideas of Mao Zedong are the further development of revolutionary theory. As we know, Mao’s ideas were used in upholding the thesis of the inevitability and need for a new world war, the policy of the "Great Leap Forward”, and the carrying out of the "cultural revolution”, which did great harm not only to the socialist cause in China, but also to the revolutionary movement throughout the world. They olunged the Communist Party of China into a state of extreme crisis. The “ideas” of the Peking leaders have nothing whatever in common with the true development of revolutionary theory. The principle of the development of Marxism-Leninism lies in its very essence as the indissoluble 276 unity of revolutionary theory and revolutionary practice. Herein lies the source of the vitality of Marxism-Leninism which makes it possible to enrich the theory and at the same time to turn it into revolutionary action, into effective policy, into victorious struggle.

p The most important Leninist principles of the creative development of revolutionary theory are, first and foremost, its correct application to the changing world, generalisation of the current changes a class approach and a concrete historical analysis of reality from the standpoint of the working class.

p In Lenin’s theoretical activity Communists can draw on the experience of the creative development of revolutionary theory. A concrete historical analysis of reality, consideration of specific national features organically combined with use of the experience of the international revolutionary movement and with generalisation of vast social material enabled Lenin to enrich and develop revolutionary theory as a guide to action.

p The need to defend and develop revolutionary theory in present-day conditions is growing in connection with new phenomena in the world and new opportunities for the revolutionary movement. Past and present revolutionary experience shows that with the successes of the working class, achieved under the guidance of the Communist parties in the revolutionary struggle, in building the new society, the need for theory, for the theoretical interpretation of reality is increasing, as the resistance from all the opponents of communism grows.

p Each Communist Party develops revolutionary theory independently and at the same time takes part together with the other fraternal parties in its collective elaboration. A tremendous role in this is played by the parties’ research work, exchange of opinions, and various types of discussion on urgent, pressing problems of the revolutionary movement. On the basis of a profound analysis of the revolutionary process the Communist parties establish the tendencies taking shape in social development and the class struggle and work out a strategy and tactics accordingly, arming the party with methods of struggle against the enemy’s new devices.

p In stressing that each revolutionary party had to enlarge upon the theory of Marx independently, Lenin acted on the 277 principle that the Marxist provisions are applied differently in different countries and situations. At the same time, the general governing principles of Marxism provide the methodological basis for the independent elaboration of revolutionary theory by each party in line with the conditions obtaining in its country. Moreover, these principles form the basis for developing revolutionary theory on an international scale, for generalising the national and international experience of revolutionary struggle.

p Revolutionary theory can be developed successfully as the common international teaching of the working class only if the general principles of Marxism-Leninism are consistently applied in a definite period of the modern epoch and the international experience of revolutionary struggle is generalised in the light of the experience of each country. This generalisation gives rise to different views and sometimes to differences. A study of the experience of Bolshevism, the Comintern and also of the international communist movement in the postwar period shows not only the complexity of this process but brings to light the reasons for the appearance of differences and the ways of overcoming them. Most frequently, differences begin in the area of theory and then spread to organisational principles, tactics and policy. Ideological unity and clearcut ideological and theoretical positions are a major condition for the success of the work of the Communist Party. This still further accentuates the significance of revolutionary theory to the revolutionary movement. "Before the proletariat fights out its victories on the barricades and in the battle lines it gives notice of its impending rule with a series of intellectual victories."  [277•* 

Revolutionary theory cannot appear spontaneously, nor can it spread spontaneously among the working class. It is the duty of the revolutionary party to disseminate revolutionary theory and effect the bond between the working-class movement and socialism. Lenin’s conclusion that the "role of vanguard fighter can be fulfilled only by a party that is guided by the most advanced theory"  [277•**  is of fundamental significance today. The practice of the Communist parties has shown that 278 any departure from or rejection of Marxism-Leninism under any guise inescapably incurs serious consequences and leads to setbacks in the revolutionary struggle. Lenin’s conclusion orientates the Communist parties towards the creative development of revolutionary theory, towards tireless efforts to instil a socialist consciousness into the working-class movement and into the protest movement of the other strata and groups of modern bourgeois society.